Serving Moscow

The presidential elections and the national referendum on European integration held in the Republic of Moldova in October-November 2024 were heavily influenced by the Russian Federation. The country that attacked and is waging war against Ukraine acted in the Republic of Moldova through a network of tens of thousands of people, coordinated from Moscow by oligarch Ilan Shor, a former member of the Moldovan Parliament who fled the country after being sentenced to 15 years in prison for involvement in the largest banking fraud, which led to the disappearance of one billion US dollars from the Moldovan banking system. 

Ziarul de Gardă (ZdG) managed to prove this significant interference in Moldova’s elections by infiltrating this network and publishing a two-part investigation, chronologically detailing the events. For four months, reporters Măriuța Nistor and Natalia Zaharescu documented the activities of the Shor network from the inside, using hidden cameras and false identities. The journalists revealed how propaganda messages spread, particularly targeting the European integration referendum, how money circulated within the network, and how people were recruited and lured to work for Ilan Shor, in the service of Moscow, using Telegram and funds from a Russian bank. 

Both reporters had accounts opened for them at the state-owned Russian bank Promsvyazbank, which is under international sanctions, for the purpose of being paid to vote NO in the referendum and vote for a presidential candidate dictated by the network from Moscow. Măriuța Nistor received 30,000 rubles in two installments. Natalia Zaharescu was instructed whom to vote for a day before the election and was pressured to vote NO in the referendum on the day of the election, 20 October. 

The first to infiltrate the Shor network was journalist Măriuța Nistor. She started documenting from so-called “protests” held by supporters of the Shor group, who faithfully accompanied the group’s leaders to court hearings. The group faced trial for the illegal financing of the former Shor Party, declared unconstitutional in June 2023.

“People come because (Shor’s team, editor’s note) still pays. If they weren’t paying, you wouldn’t see anyone here.”

26 June. Outside the Chișinău courthouse, where the trial regarding the illegal financing of the former “Shor” party was taking place, a protest was set to occur in support of Ilan Shor’s allies. Reporter Măriuța Nistor made up a story, chose a new name—Ana Nastas—and began her infiltration among people working in the service of Moscow.

Under the pretext of having been invited to a protest for the first time, reporter Măriuța Nistor, aka Ana Nastas, tried to learn about the organization and payment arrangements from the people already at the protest site.

One of the protesters told the ZdG reporter: “Even if someone asks you for an interview, don’t talk!”

A man nearby joined the conversation and revealed the real reason he was at the protest: “People come because (Shor’s team, editor’s note) still pays. If they weren’t paying, you wouldn’t see anyone here.”

The same argument came from the woman.

Protester: “There used to be more people; now, there are very few, I don’t know.”
ZdG: “Maybe they’re not paying?”
Protester: “Well, if they don’t pay, I won’t come anymore. I left work…”
Protester: “A thousand (lei, n.r.). That’s the fee. Later, it will be three thousand.”

8 July. Another court session in the case of the illegal financing of the “Shor” party. Măriuța Nistor began talking again with people at the demonstration. One of them assured her that the monthly payment would increase starting 1 August, from one thousand to three thousand lei.

Protester: “In short, 1000 lei, whether you come or not, they’ll give it to you.”
ZdG: “But if I come to the protests, how much will they give me?”
Protester: “Still 1000. That’s the fee for them. Then, starting 1 August, they’ll give three thousand. Some get six, some three… something comes out…” 

Residency permit

After a few minutes of discussion, the protester introduced the ZdG reporter to Raisa—his “boss” from Dobrogea, a village near Chișinău.

Protester: “Aunt Raisa, can we have her join our group? We know each other.”
Raisa: “Where is she from? If not from Dobrogea, we can’t. We need a ‘propiskă’ (residency permit).”
ZdG: “What if I change it?”
Raisa: “If you change it, welcome.”

In order to join the group coordinated by Raisa, Măriuța Nistor had to move her residency to an address in the village of Dobrogea.

Raisa: “You know, we’re all about residency. You need to find someone to make you a temporary resident. I’m from Dobrogea. I’m the president. I’ll take you and others, but you must have residency here, at least temporary. Anyway, you won’t vote for Maia Sandu.”

With the help of ZdG’s technical team and image editing software, we created a fake ID card. Ana Nastas was now a “legally recognized” character. Once the fake ID was perfected, the ZdG reporter sent a copy to Raisa to be registered in their database. 

“You’re not from PAS, right? I know they’re spies. You’d better not be with the police”

24 July. Raisa called the ZdG reporter to Dobrogea, where a meeting of her group with one of Raisa’s superiors was to take place. Măriuța Nistor was greeted with doubts and many questions.

Raisa: “Ana, I am surprised. But do you know why? There were so many people there, and you approached us. I don’t want problems with my group. You’re not from PAS (note: Party of Action and Solidarity, the ruling party), right? No, I’m asking you. If you are, then say so.” 

ZdG: “No, no, no, aunt Raisa. I want to thank you. But do you know why? Because you’re the one who told me to do this. I’m telling you, everyone else was saying I needed a permit, but no one told me, ‘Go, girl, and get yourself registered.’ No one told me that. But you told me that I need a permit, and you said, ‘Go get it.'”
Raisa: “Everything is normal here, the whole group is friendly. And if you’re an honest girl, we’ll take you into the group. You’d just better not be with the police.”

Later, Raisa introduced her to the group and informed Măriuța Nistor that “I don’t know when money will come, but it will… eventually. Because we don’t get it every month, we get it like this, when it’s been a month…, but we get it.”

Monthly salary

An hour later, which seemed to be normal, the man for whom Raisa had gathered the activists in Dobrogea—Alexandru—finally arrived. Unhappy that people were afraid to give their ID details, Alexandru offered a few explanations: “We need your passport to write a contract. Now, it’s not Raisa who’ll be giving out the money,’ but every month, from the 1st to the 10th, starting from August, you will receive 3000, as activists. If you meet the activist plan—3+3, meaning 6 for the month. We don’t know the plan yet, but you’ll get a call about it.”

Surrounded by activists, whose role is to recruit sympathizers—the lowest level of the political pyramid, with Ilan Shor at the top, Alexandru went over the latest indications from Moscow.

Raisa: “The question everyone has is, when will the payment be?”
Alexandru: “Raisa brought it. She went to Moscow and brought you the money. You should have received payment for January and February, but we gave you a bonus for February because we didn’t work. I decided with the leadership to give you that bonus. And for March too. You should have received three. Now I’m telling you, it’s for July. In April, we didn’t work, we were all in Moscow. In June and May, no one worked, no newspapers, we were in Moscow. You’re all listed in contracts, anyone who submitted their passport on time. But in July, no one worked either. The protests are included in the payment you received—1000 lei.” 

Account with the Russian bank “Promsvyazbank”

6 August 2024. Ana Nastas, i.e. the false identity of the ZdG reporter, was registered in the database of the Russian bank “Promsvyazbank.” This Russian bank, under sanctions, opened an account for the undercover reporter based solely on a fake identity card and without her submitting any request. 

7 August 2024. Măriuța Nistor was invited back to Dobrogea for another gathering. Most of the activists were elderly, and they arrived reluctantly with their phones and IDs in hand, as instructed, to register in a Telegram chatbot.

Raisa tried to explain: “Everyone must have a phone. If you want to get the money, you need to have a phone.” 

After Alexandru arrived, they began registering the activists in the Telegram chatbot. Right after accessing the chatbot, they were asked to send a photo of their ID.

Raisa: “Why do we need to give our IDs?”
Alexandru: “So each of you can have a card. I’m not going to fly to Moscow 20 times. It costs 1000 euros each time for both you and me, plus hotel and living expenses. That’s a problem for everyone.”

Alexandru: “What, are you all just here for the money?” Raisa: “Of course, they’re here for the money.” 

Another discussion followed about money vs. loyalty to the party. People were honest with their leaders and told them that what mattered was the money.

Alexandru: “Why are you asking me for money for the rally? You want money?”
Activist: “What do you mean? I just walked and ran for nothing?”
Alexandru: “What about you, are you here just for the money?”
Raisa: “Of course, we’re here for the money, Sasha. They won’t tell you that, but yes, we’re here for the money.”
Alexandru: “Is it hard to come for the cause?”
Activist: “Of course, it’s complicated.”
Alexandru: “Then why do we need you in the team if you’re here just for the money?”
Activist: “Well, just like everyone else comes for the money, so do we.”

First “salary”—15,000 Russian rubles in a “Promsvyazbank” account

26 August 2024. After registering in the chatbot, 15,000 rubles (equivalent to 2,700 Moldovan lei) were transferred from the Russian bank “Promsvyazbank” to the ZdG reporter’s account, under the activist name Ana Nastas. This was the promised payment for activist work. The only problem was that the Promsvyazbank app couldn’t be accessed because Moldova’s Information and Security Service (SIS) had instructed mobile operators to block it.

In one of many conversations with contacts in Moscow, the ZdG reporter was given a solution to bypass the SIS blockade and access the Promsvyazbank app in Moldova—a Romanian VPN. 

Raisa: “You must come because you work with us.”

Each following day involved calls from “commander” Raisa, who persistently urged the ZdG reporter to complete various tasks.

Raisa: “Listen, there’s a reason for this—you received money in your account, so you must work. There’s a reason—you need to come and distribute papers to people, there’s a reason—you need to take photos. You need to come to me today.”
ZdG: “I understand. But if there are more people, I think I can manage.”
Raisa: “There are more, but even if there’s just one, you must be there. You must come because you work with us. And I don’t understand why you didn’t answer—you were online at 5:00 AM. I called you, and you didn’t pick up; Nadia called you, and you didn’t pick up. What does that mean, Ana? You must always keep your phone near you. When I call, you must answer.”
ZdG: “Okay, okay, Auntie Raisa.
Raisa: “Okay, okay… this is not how work is done. You came for two days, got 3,000 lei, and didn’t work at all. I’m expecting you at 5:00 PM.” 

ZdG reporter forced to hand out anti-EU leaflets

After being scolded in the morning, on the evening of 2 September, the ZdG reporter went to Dobrogea, where she helped two activists register in the Telegram chatbot. Later, she was instructed to distribute leaflets containing falsehoods about the European Union and praise for the Eurasian Economic Union. Since journalist Măriuța Nistor decided it was wrong to spread disinformation, she went home without distributing the leaflets. Because she didn’t send photos proving she had handed them out, Raisa scolded her again. She was then forced to return to Dobrogea to distribute the leaflets. 

“Here’s 1,000. And here’s another 300. 1,000 stays with me.”

21 September 2024. The ZdG reporter was called back to Dobrogea. Upon arriving at the meeting, she learned that she would be participating in a cash conversion operation through an intermediary named Oleg. 

Oleg, addressing the ZdG reporter: “You have 15,000 rubles. When we transfer it to my account, I receive 14,700 rubles—the bank takes 300. Then, I transfer it through two more banks, each taking 2.5%, so we lose another 5%. That leaves 13,965 rubles. Multiply by the exchange rate—0.665. That gives us 2,300 lei. Understood?” 

Monday, 23 September. Reporter Măriuța Nistor was called to Dobrogea to collect the money. However, of the promised 2300 lei, she only received 1300. In addition to the commission charged on bank transfers, Raisa charged her own “commission” of 1,000 lei. 

Raisa: “You barely did anything, did you? Absolutely nothing for our work.”
ZdG: “What do you mean nothing? I did what you told me.”
Raisa: “Come on! We’ve been running around… Long story short, I’m giving you 1,000 lei now…”
ZdG: “But I received it on my card…”
Raisa: “So what if you did? Did you deserve this money? Tell me! Did you deserve this money?”
ZdG: “Well, I did what you told me.”
Raisa: “What did you do? You handed out two or three papers, you went to the demonstration once and that was it.”
ZdG: “And every time you called me… every time you called me, I went to see Auntie Nadia.”
Raisa: So what? That just showed that you were part of the group.”
ZdG: “Well yes, but you told me I would get…”
Raisa: “1,2,3,4,5. Here’s 1,000. And here’s another 300.”
ZdG: “But you told me I would get 2,300…”
Raisa: “No… 2,300 was transferred to your card. 1,000 stays with me.” 

Second salary, 15,000 roubles in the Promsvyazbank account

4 October 2024. The ZdG reporter receives her second salary: another 15,000 roubles, about 2,700 Moldovan lei.

5 October 2024. At the invitation of her bosses, the ZdG reporter attends a training session, where she participates in a propaganda lesson. A speaker addresses the audience, rattling off multiple falsehoods about the European Union: 

“We go abroad, but we don’t work in our fields. Excuse me, does anyone here have relatives working as teachers or… unfortunately, no. They give us the most miserable jobs. We can’t say that Europe cares about us and will offer us a bright future. If Europe wanted to help us, it wouldn’t cost them anything to turn our country into a ‘success story,’ but that’s not the EU’s goal. The EU’s objective is to give us loans and turn us into beggars.”

These claims, made by Svetlana Stanchevici, a former journalist, reflect another false narrative promoted by Shor and Russia. 

Second infiltration. Election campaign, elections and referendum

The second part of the investigation was carried out by ZdG journalist Natalia Zaharescu, who infiltrated the network under the code name “Irina Zahar.” The opportunity to infiltrate Shor’s network arose in September 2024, 10 days before the start of the election campaign.

10 September 2024. In the Botanica district of Moldova’s capital, a group of people was waiting for something—or someone. In the distance, former Shor Party MP Marina Tauber, one of the leading figures of the Victory Bloc, appeared. She approached the group and delivered a speech, thanking them for their participation “on behalf of Ilan Mironovich Shor and the entire team.”

At this gathering, the ZdG journalist met a Russian-speaking woman named Iustina, though everyone called her Iulia. The woman eagerly offered to register the journalist as a supporter, the first level within the network. 

Registering with the office and “bonuses” for recruiting supporters

16 September 2024. The ZdG reporter met with Iustina, who took her to a Victory Bloc office in Chișinău. On the way, Iustina explained to Natalia (operating under the code name Irina) that she would be registered not just as a supporter but as an activist, so that she, too, could recruit supporters.

Iustina immediately emphasized that the main target was the referendum on European integration and explained how information about the preferred presidential candidate would be relayed. 

ZdG: “When I talk to someone, should I tell them upfront…?”
Iustina: “That we are against the referendum.”
ZdG: “And against Maia Sandu?”
Iustina: “Not against her. For anyone—just not for her. The last day of elections is Sunday, and on Saturday, they will call us and say, ‘Vote for this person.’ Then you have to call your people and tell them.”

Iustina urged the ZdG journalist to recruit as many supporters as possible:

“First, you’ll get bonuses because you brought them in. You will receive more. Bonuses are money, you understand? But we don’t say money, we say bonuses. If you bring people in as an activist, you’ll get more bonuses.”

At the office where Natalia was registered as an activist, a young man entered her code name (Irina Zahar) and phone number into a computer. She became the 30th person on the list for what they called Sector 20. He also registered her in a Telegram chatbot named Botanica 4 35/2 (Botanica is a district in Chișinău, the capital of Moldova). To complete this step, the ZdG journalist provided a photo of a fake ID with modified personal data, stored on her phone. 

In the office, several people, most of them elderly, lined up to be registered, while the office staff collected their data and entered it into computers. The discussions revolved around lists and supporters, who were in high demand and critical to an activist’s career. Each activist was instructed to register at least ten people.

A woman named Irina, who had also attended the meeting with Marina Tauber a few days earlier, seemed to be the coordinator of that office. She showed the ZdG reporter how to register people using the Telegram chatbot and instructed her to ask them to take photos of their ID cards and upload them into the chatbot. The final registration step was for each person to take a selfie with their phone. 

“We are the Victory Bloc. We are against the European Union, against Maia Sandu, and in favour of uniting with the Russian Federation. The most important thing is for people to show up on election day and vote for unification with Russia. All registered supporters will receive bonuses. Right now, they should be getting 10,000 roubles,” Irina told the ZdG journalist. 

24 September 2024. Four days after the start of the election campaign, journalist Natalia, known in the network by her code name “Irina,” was invited to attend a meeting of activists, which was to take place at a different office. She went there with Iustina, the one who had recruited her, and met in person with the head of the activist group she had been registered in, a woman named Ana Ivanovna (following the Russian naming convention). When they were introduced, the woman, also a Russian speaker, summarised how the network’s hierarchy worked: “She is your boss,” she said, pointing at Iustina. “And I am her boss, and over there are my bosses,” she added, gesturing towards the office. 

At the new office, the activists were met by a new leader who introduced herself as Xenia. Speaking in Russian, she reprimanded those present for failing to bring enough supporters: “Each activist was supposed to bring two supporters to this meeting. Where are your supporters? Where are they?” Xenia also explained that the identity card data collected was being used to open bank accounts in Russia.

In the following days, the undercover ZdG reporter took part, alongside other network members, in a protest outside the Central Electoral Commission over the fact that too few polling stations were being opened in Russia. She was also handed propaganda leaflets with anti-EU messages and was encouraged to distribute them to people on the street. 

4 October 2024. ZdG reporter Natalia Zaharescu was asked by the head of the activist group, Ana Ivanovna, to attend an election meeting with a candidate for the presidency of Moldova, Victoria Furtună, who was officially running as an independent. That same day, Măriuța Nistor, also undercover, attended a meeting with the same candidate but in a different location. A few days later, on 7 October, the ZdG reporter Natalia Zaharescu was invited to yet another voter meeting with the same candidate, Victoria Furtună. 

PSB message: “You can only make transfers through Transnistrian banks”

During the first electoral meeting with Victoria Furtună, the ZdG reporter received an SMS titled “PSB” from the Russian state bank Promsvyazbank, which is under international sanctions. The message informed her that a bank account had been opened in her name. It also included a phone number, which, when called, was answered by a woman claiming to be a bank representative based in Moscow. When asked how the money could be withdrawn from the card, she explained: “You can transfer money via the mobile app, you can transfer to Visa and MasterCard from this card. And you can only make transfers through Transnistrian banks.” Transnistria is a separatist region in Moldova, supported by the Russian Federation. 

“Payment will be made the next day. You can invite friends and acquaintances”

16 October 2024. ZdG reporter Natalia Zaharescu was contacted by another woman from the network, whom she had previously met, named Iulia. Through a message on Telegram, she invited her to attend a “conference:” “Payment will be made the next day. You can invite friends and acquaintances,” Iulia wrote. Over the phone, Iulia explained that each person would receive 400 lei (approximately 20 euros). 

The so-called “conference” was in fact an election meeting of another presidential candidate: Vasile Tarlev, running for the Future of Moldova Party. The speakers criticised Moldova’s socio-political situation, accusing the current government of worsening relations with Russia and other CIS states. Candidate Tarlev urged attendees to vote for him. 

400 lei, handed to the ZdG reporter right in the city centre. “To others I gave almost 4000”

18 October 2024. Around 5 pm, the ZdG reporter met again with Iulia, right in the centre of the capital. Iulia boasted about having a wallet stuffed with money, saying she had to distribute payments to several people right there, in the middle of the crowd and in full view of everyone. When the ZdG reporter arrived, Iulia was talking to a young man who had also come to collect his money—around 4000 lei—because, as Iulia later told the ZdG reporter, he had brought nine people to the electoral meeting with Vasile Tarlev. Iulia then handed “Irina Zahar” the promised 400 lei. The payment was made just two days before the elections.

Falsehoods about the European Union: “By the age of nine they already have to have sex in schools”

The ZdG reporter asked Iulia if Vasile Tarlev was the one to vote for. Instead of a direct answer, the woman launched into an astonishing series of myths about the European Union and the referendum: “Vote for whoever you want, just not for Sandu. Because we will have war, simple as that. And if the referendum passes, there will be changes to the Constitution, and then the lands that belong to us will have to be returned to the Romanians who lived here in the ’30s, ’20s, and ’10s. It will be terrible! God forbid! They will change the Constitution regarding sexuality. Homosexual propaganda will be allowed. There is a programme for children’s sexual development from the age of three. By the age of nine, they will already have to have sex at school,” Iulia passionately claimed. 

“That’s what they said from Moscow”

19 October 2024. One day before the elections, on the day of silence (under Moldovan law, election campaigning is prohibited on the day before the vote, known as the “day of silence”), Ana Ivanovna informed Natalia Zaharescu, alias “Irina,” that the decision had been made to support Victoria Furtună for the presidency of Moldova. 

She also mentioned that an observer would be monitoring the election process and would report to her every three hours on the number of people who had voted. “I already know how many supporters there are in my sector, and we need to reach that number. If we don’t hit the target, it means people are lying. Do you understand? Don’t call me again, because today is the day of silence—we don’t want anyone listening in on our conversation,” Ana Ivanovna warned. 

A couple of hours later, the ZdG reporter received a call from Iustina, the person who had recruited her into the network. The woman suggested a backup plan in case Victoria Furtună were out of the race: “In the worst-case scenario, Vasile Tarlev. But the most important thing—make sure to say NO in the referendum.” 

Election Day message: “what matters is that the referendum result is NO”

20 October 2024. The messages didn’t stop on election day either. In the morning, sector chief Ana Ivanovna sent a Telegram message to ZdG reporter Natalia Zaharescu: “The way we and our supporters, relatives, neighbours, and friends vote will determine how we live. Hurry your supporters to the polling stations.” 

By midday, Ana Ivanovna sent another message, this time in a commanding and authoritarian tone: “Every activist must report how many of their supporters will have voted by 3:45 PM. This is MANDATORY. Their turnout will be proof of how well you have worked. Should I call you, or will you message me? Is everything clear?” 

At around 3:00 PM, she followed up with a voice call on Telegram, asking the ZdG journalist how many people had voted “on her side.” She also reiterated that they needed to vote “against” in the referendum: “I need exact numbers because I’m required to provide exact data. Maybe you can convince someone else to go and vote. It doesn’t matter who they vote for—what matters is that the referendum result is NO. Do you understand?” This was Ana Ivanovna’s message on election day, 20 October. 

After the first round of voting, a call from headquarters: “Ilan Shor’s position hasn’t changed. Anyone but Sandu”

24 October 2024. After the first round of the presidential election resulted in a runoff between pro-European incumbent Maia Sandu and former Prosecutor General Alexandr Stoianoglo, the candidate backed by the Socialist Party of ex-pro-Russian president Igor Dodon, Natalia—alias “Irina Zahar”—received a call from a number linked to the central office of the “Victory” Bloc. A man who introduced himself as Gheorghi spoke to her in Russian, stating that he was calling “on Ilan Shor’s personal instruction:” “I congratulate you on the successful referendum result and on the fact that President Maia Sandu, who is against the people, failed to win outright in the first round. Soon, the leadership of the ‘Victory’ Bloc will devise a strategy for the second round to secure our victory.”

29 October 2024. A week before the second round of the presidential elections on 3 November, Natalia received another call from the same number, this time from a different man named Vladimir, who also spoke in Russian. He informed “Irina” of Ilan Shor’s stance regarding the candidate they should support in the second round.

Vladimir: Ilan Shor’s position hasn’t changed. Anyone but Sandu (Maia Sandu). That is the most appropriate position. Do you understand?
ZdG: What does that mean?
Vladimir: It means that we should not boycott the elections. We should not spoil the ballot. Try to pass this message on to whoever you can—supporters, friends, acquaintances—that they should not boycott. Instead, they must turn out on 3 November and vote against Sandu. For whoever the other candidate is, but not Sandu.
ZdG: But there is only one second candidate: Stoianoglo, right?
Vladimir: Yes, yes.
ZdG: Does that mean we have to vote for him?
Vladimir: Yes, yes. This is the most important position now.

Reaction from those involved

After completing both parts of the investigation, ZdG journalists confronted those involved in Shor’s network, informing them that their activities had been documented in an undercover journalistic investigation.

Alexandr Stoianoglo, the Socialist Party’s presidential candidate supported by Ilan Shor’s network, did not respond to ZdG’s calls and messages. However, his representative denied any connection between Stoianoglo and the Shor network. 

Marina Tauber, MP, secretary general of the “Victory” Bloc: “I don’t know what you’re trying to ‘discover.’ Your questions don’t affect me. If you think you’re going to rattle me, you should know that you’re only giving us free publicity—so thank you very much.” 

In October 2024, Moldovan police and prosecutors announced that they were investigating this network, leading to multiple arrests and detentions. Official data released by the authorities showed that approximately 140,000 people had been recruited into the Shor network. 

Maia Sandu won the presidential election. In the referendum on European integration, the YES option won. As a result, the Constitution of the Republic of Moldova was amended and European integration was declared a strategic objective.

Further Credits: 

• Victor Moșneag, editor in chief;
• Anatolie Eșanu, chief video editor;
• Andrei Muntean, video editor.

Natalia Zaharescu

Natalia Zaharescu was selected for the 2025 Shortlist with Serving Moscow.

Natalia Zaharescu has over 15 years of experience in the media. After more than 10 years of
radio, Natalia joined the investigative department of Ziarul de Garda in January 2022. In the
same year, Natalia Zaharescu conducted, together with three other ZdG journalists, an
undercover investigation, demonstrating how Ilan Șor, an oligarch later sentenced to 15 years in
prison for robbing a billion from the Moldovan banking system, organized paid protests.

In 2024, Natalia, together with her colleague, Măriuța Nistor, conducted another undercover
investigation, in which the journalists managed to demonstrate that the same oligarch Ilan Șor,
who fled from the Republic of Moldova to Moscow, formed and coordinated a vote-buying
network, with the aim of fraud in the presidential elections and the referendum on European
integration. For this investigation, the journalists of Ziarul de Garda received several national
awards, including the Investigation of the Year award, offered by the annual Press Club in
Chisinau, and an excellence award from the Union of Professional Journalists in Romania.